The president of Generalitat, Carles Puigdemont, yesterday answered requirements of Government by unequivocally settling — and all his Government — in flagrant violation of statutory and constitutional ordering.Previous Editorials
Cataluña, in Hole (19/10/2017)
Where are we going? (18/10/2017)
Justice Acts (17/10/2017)
155: Countdown (16/10/2017)
Crisis and Opportunity (12/10/2017)
And it is with obvious intention of causing government to apply article 155 of Constitution, which allows a timely intervention of an autonomous community that violated law, but only to force it to its "fulfillment". It is most prudent and opportune instrument in se circumstances to protect Catalonia's autonomy, as much as Puigdemont this torticeramente as its suspension. It is clear that president's will, once again, is simply to increase victimism.
At request that he should answer wher any Catalan authority had proclaimed independence, he replied Puigdemontly, laterally and in a subordinate, that Parlament "did not vote" that on 10 October (he could have recognised it earlier, and more clearly). But serious thing is that in main prayer, it threatens government that "if ... persists (...)" In continuing repression "," Parlament may proceed, if it deems it appropriate, to vote on formal declaration of independence. ""
I mean, sostenella and not Enmendalla. This blackmail shows that Puigdemont considers current law of referendum, of 6 September, cancelled on Tuesday by Constitutional Court (TC), which had already suspended it as much as approved.
This is because only this text, which lacks any validity, endorses (illegally) Parliament power to "make formal declaration of independence of Catalonia, to concretize its effects and to initiate constituent process". In addition, entire law is seriously attacking constitution and Statute.
Indeed, it usurps condition of "sovereign political subject" to Spanish people, for benefit of a part of it; It erects Parlament in "representative of sovereignty", when it falls to courts; It arrogates condition of supreme rule in Catalonia, by decreeing that "hierarchically prevails over all norms": that is to say, Arrumba statute and Constitution.
Appearing not to have declared independence, Puigdemont validates — as supreme Judge — rule that would make it possible. That is, it violates " altered constitutional order," instead of restoring it, as it required second requirement.
So few exits left government, except to apply article 155. Puigdemont must now assume "necessary measures" for "forced enforcement" of its obligation to restore legality, which does not imply suspending or nullifying Catalan autonomy, rar opposite: it means rescuing it from whom it had Kidnapped to use it in known blackmail. Its use long before, when that kidnapping started, we would have saved enough of current problems and surely would have made it easier to implement it.
It is important to say, at same time, that article 155 should serve — not yet secure — to restore constitutional order. But it does not solve political problem of substance, for which, in due time, a negotiation will be necessary.
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