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Mali breaks (and is not for jihadism)

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Mali breaks (and is not for jihadism)

young people raise ir voice against corruption, unemployment, a miserable education and health care and insecurity

night Falls. The bachelor's degree in Law Moussa Koité, 28 years old, takes tea with two friends at door of a house of Hippodrome, one of favourite areas for foreigners to live. As guardian earn about 120 euros a month, which forces him to an austerity bordering on squalor. “They told us that we'd just stay and study to get ahead in this country, but of my 300 co-promotion, only two have a formal job and not as lawyers, but as police officers,” he laments, “what for so much effort?”. Mali is today, five years after beginning of an endless conflict, a country broken, pierced by a crisis of multiple faces.


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Koité comes from Timbuktu, far north, who in 2012 was scene of a tuareg rebellion started, and was occupied by jihadi groups. Today it continues to be a powder keg. Or French military intervention nor presence of United Nations Mission for Stabilization of Mali (Minusma) or peace agreements in Algiers in 2015, implementation of partial and limited is story of a failure, have failed to curb an violence in which radicalism feeds on from community conflicts and where most pure banditry and drug trafficking roam free, already affecting Mopti and Ségou, only 300 kilometres from capital, and radiating to neighboring countries like Niger, Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast.

In Bamako, however, eyes rotate towards palace of Koulouba, situated on one of beautiful hills that surround city. Numerous cases of corruption besiege president, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, who came to power in 2013 with label of strong man that country required, and that has been a huge disappointment. “In four years, y have disappeared around 500 million euros of Administration and justice hardly makes any effort to identify culprits. In meantime, no jobs (40% of youth unemployment), education and health have bottomed out, and increases citizen insecurity,” says Ras Bath, young man who from his radio program fustiga political class and that has become icon of a youth without horizons.

In market of Medina Kourá, Aisatou Dembelé, 31 years old, sells potatoes and lettuce in a small place. “We see young people who walk from here to re, robbing child neglect”, he says, “bikes, mobile phones, handbags, you name it. Before re was more respect, we are fed up with. Even with guns, I never seen”. The insecurity of more concern than attacks, Bamako has already lived in four since start of war, but always against places frequented by westerners. “Fifty thousand robberies in a year”, reveals Ras-Bath, “is too much.”

In view of instability and lack of work, young journalist Malick Konaté created his own communication agency a couple of years ago, with that manages fifteen profiles of Facebook for companies, but above all by NGOS and international agencies. “The country is supported by foreign intervention,” says a diplomat. Konaté, 24 years old, is coordinator of citizen movement Trop c'est trop (Too much is too much) and one of architects of protests that have rocked Bamako in last few months and that thousands of young people left to hear your weariness in street.

At behest of president, Parliament approved holding of a referendum to amend Constitution and, among or things, to adapt it to peace agreements in Algiers through creation of a Senate. “How are we going to tolerate a spending millionaire like that if re is no money to pay doctors or teachers? How are you going to hold a referendum if re are 59 districts in country without presence of Management, if insecurity in north is total? We said no, at first we were four in marches, n it was a tide,” explains Konaté. The public pressure resulted in Government turned back.

The way that y catch thousands of young people is of "adventure", as y call to emigration towards Europe. Mali is a country of origin and transit at same time. However, disturbing testimonies of those who have passed through Libya, where y enslave or kill illegal immigrants, discouraging many. The vast majority, as guardian Moussa Koité, decides to stay.

in Addition to business of war and smuggling, or company that seems to thrive in Mali se days is religion. Mosques flourish. At time of prayer, in a discreet and muddy street of neighborhood of Djelibougou re is a considerable coming and going. Here opened a few months ago for a prayer center that teaches orwise. The wahhabism come from Saudi Arabia and Qatar, gas that feeds radicalism, is increasingly present in Bamako under mantle of protection of president of High Islamic Council, Mahoud Dicko, now a Government negotiator with rebels of north.

“There is an agreement between politicians and imams,” he adds Ras Bath, “ Government gives funding and does not control mosques, and, in exchange, when things get ugly, religious calm to people to not protest too much.” However, re is a new generation of malian because you do not agree to this pact. At crossroads Carrefour des Jeunes, t-shirts with images of former president died of Burkina Faso Thomas Sankara or with word revolution in letters large are sold like hot cakes. “Today we have understood that not even God wants young people to us to stay seated while we see how this country is going down drain,” she adds.


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