None of what is happening in Spanish politics is understandable without serious consequences of economic crisis for our country. The recession explains rise of two new ProtestparteienPodemos and Ciudadanos – and also renewed flare-up of Catalan nationalism.
At height of crisis, 2011, n president of Catalonia, Artur Mas, was under great pressure because of massive cutbacks in public draft, especially in education and health care. An independence of region in norast of Spain seemed to him a good solution at that time to pass on dissatisfaction of his own constituents to central government in Madrid.Justified criticism of financial compensation
The proponents of Catalan Unabhängigkeitargumentierten at that time: Spanish steamer goes under. Only with DemSprung in autonomy does Catalonia reach safe haven. The basic situation of this debate was disproportionate share that Catalonia pays in financial compensation for poorer parts of country. It was Einevöllig true criticism of financial distribution between regions. However, or prosperous regions such as DieHauptstadt Madrid are also disadvantaged by this system.
But government in Madrid is also to blame for escalating conflict with Catalonia: 2012, Constitutional Court rejected twelve articles of Catalan autonomy status reform. DiePartei had sued present Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, conservative PartidoPopular (PP).
What Catalans particularly enraged: Regionenmit highest household income in country – Basque Country and Navarra – are "economically autonomous". They only finance expenditure in ir own communities from ir household. Because of its strong industry, Basque Country was also shining in economic crisis, similar to Germany or norrn Italy. Thanks to its vollenBudgetautonomie and an efficient government, Basque country has reached an astonishing level of prosperity to which many regions of Deriberischen Peninsula are envied. which has no or region in Europe incrementally political self-government than Basque Country.Fernando Vallespín
Is professor of politics at Universidad Autónoma in Madrid. Vallespín taught at Harvard, Frankfurt and Heidelberg and headed from 2004 to 2006 Center for Social Science Research in Spain. He commented on political situation in his country on a regular basis for newspaper El País and radio station Cadena SER.
Before Artur Mas full on Catalan Unabhängigkeitsetzte, he tried to Rajoy a similar deal for Katalonienherauszuschlagen. Rajoy refused Esjedoch to extend Basque privileges in Catalonia. In Vergleichzum Basque contribution to gross domestic product (6 percent), Kataloniennämlich contributes nearly 20 percent to national budget. In or words, EineEntlastung Catalonia would have basic care in or Landesteilengefährdet.
Since n, thieves ' moderate nationalists in Catalonia no longer conceal ir new goal: DieUnabhängigkeit. They collaborated with a strong ZivilgesellschaftlichenBewegung, which hervorragendmit Catalan authorities. If you daranmisst your potential to mobilize people, it is probably one of most powerful in Europe.
The independentismo, independence movement, was actually long a marginal flow. In economic crisis, however, she suddenly exerted a attractiveness on Catalans. At times, in Umfragenbis, 50 percent of Spain's dissolution was being discussed. Only when crisis declined did approval values drop. Just before Tumultösen referendum on 1 October, it was still at a good 42 percent.
It is noteworthy that referendum is not only due to nationalist sentiments. One of biggest surprises for political analysts from AnderenLandesteilen was observation that cry for independence recruited new followers. People who had never had anything to do with Nationalismusam hat turned to him at once.